The following article is a section, titled "The Battle of Xuân Lộc,"
in the historical and factual notes accompanying the short story "I Did
Not Die" (Cao-Đắc 2014, 210-255) in the short story collection “Fire In The Rain,”
(Cao-Đắc, Tuấn. 2014. Fire In The Rain. Hellgate Press, Oregon,
U.S.A.) The story "I Did Not Die" is a fictionalized account based on
true events in South Vietnam in April 1975. One significant event is the
battle of Xuân Lộc which took place from April 9 to April 20. This
section includes notes that support various details and scenes depicted
in the story and therefore is not intended to be a coherent essay.
The battle of Xuân Lộc:
The battle of Xuân Lộc has been fairly well reported, though not as
fully as other battles (e.g., Huế in the Tết Offensive of 1968, An Lộc
in the Easter Offensive of 1972), by American and Vietnamese authors
(Nguyễn 2001, 783-797; Veith 2012; Veith and Pribbenow II 2004). The
most detailed account of the battle is provided by George J. Veith and
Merle L. Pribbenow II (Veith and Pribbenow II 2004).
Davidson (1988, 790) comments that Xuân Lộc produced one of the epic
battles of any of the Indochina wars and certainly was the most heroic
ARVN stand in the Vietnam War. According to Le Gro (2006, 174), General
Smith reports that the ARVN showed unmistakably its determination, its
will and its courage to fight even though the odds were heavily weighted
against them. Tucker (1999, 185) comments that although they were
heavily outnumbered, Đao’s troops fought on courageously in what was
probably the most heroic stand of any ARVN division of the war. Le Gro
(2006, 173) writes that the South Vietnamese fought splendidly at Xuân
Lộc while the NVA high command used the battle as a ‘meat grinder,’
sacrificing its own units to destroy irreplaceable ARVN forces. Harry F.
Noyes III (Noyes) comments that by all accounts, the Xuân Lộc battle
was as heroic as anything in the annals of U.S. military history.
The soldiers of the 18th Division were hailed as the heroes of Xuân Lộc
(Dawson 1977, 315). Several officers of the ARVN provide detailed
information on Brig. Gen. Lê Minh Đảo (who was promoted to Maj. Gen.
right after the battle) and the battle itself, including the
preparation; the ferocious fighting; the heroic contribution of other
ARVN units such as the local defense forces, the airbornes, the rangers,
and the armored; and the well executed retreat (Bảo 2010; Hồ Ðinh; Hứa
2011; Vương 2005). American sources also provide information on the
battle, its aftermath and consequences (Dawson 1977, 233-236, 237-240,
257-258, 267-268, 284-285, 301-302; Todd 1990, 254-256; Tucker 1999,
185-187).
The forces of two sides were: (1) five to six thousand men of the ARVN
18th Division and the supporting troops from other units; and (2) thirty
to forty thousand troops of the PAVN (Maclear 1982, 329; Karnow 1997,
682; Bảo 2010; Duong 2008, 206). Initially, PAVN General Trà threw
three divisions into Xuân Lộc (the 341st, the 7th, and the 6th), and
later two more divisions (325th and 312th) for a total of five divisions
and regiment 95B (Bảo 2010; Todd 1990, 254). The 341st was not an elite
division; some soldiers weren’t even sixteen (Todd 1990, 255).
Clodfelter (1995, 214) reports 25,000 South Vietnamese troops were
committed to the defense of Xuân Lộc. This number is obviously in error
because there was only an understrength 18th Division of about five
thousand troops, three reinforcement battalions from the Airborne
Division, and an armored task force on Route 1 (Clodfelter 1995, 214).
Figure 1: The emblem of the ARVN 18th Infantry Division
The ARVN Rangers (Biệt Động Quân) were one of the most well-respected
military formations of the South Vietnamese armed forces (RVNHS, Vu
2011). Among various units, the 82nd Ranger Battalion contributed to the
defense of Xuân Lộc valiantly (Duong 2008, 204; Vương 2005; Veith 2012,
254, 441-442, 444). With only 300 men (Veith 2012, 254),“[t]he 82nd
fought two battalions of the 209th to a standstill and destroyed two
more tanks” (Veith 2012, 444). In particular, Major Vương Mộng Long,
the heroic commander of the 82nd Ranger Battalion (Duong 2008, 204),
described a three-step maneuver used by his three-man teams to destroy
the NVA tanks (Vương 2005). First, the 12.8-mm gun on the tank had to be
silenced. Second, phosphorous or smoke grenades were tossed out to
blind the gunners on another NVA tank nearby so that they could not fire
accurately at the approaching Rangers. Third, the M-72 was fired aiming
at the rear of the tank where the protecting steel layer was the
thinnest.
On the first day of the battle, the PAVN suffered seven hundred
casualties and the South Vietnamese fifty (Veith 2012, 445; Veith and
Pribbenow II 2004, 190). After four days, the casualties were two
thousand for PAVN and several hundred for the South Vietnamese (Veith
and Pribbenow II 2004, 199; Butler 1985, 256), with NVAs killed and left
on the battlefield exceeding 1200 (Le Gro 2006, 174). Nearly 30 tanks
had been wiped out (Le Gro 2006, 174). The final casualties on both
sides include estimates of 30% of ARVN participating units and 60% of
Task Force 52 on the South Vietnamese side and 5,000 to 6,000 casualties
on the Communist side (Duong 2008, 206; Lam 2009, 236; Hứa 2011;
Nguyễn 2001, 789). Tucker (1999, 185, 187) reports the Communists
suffered 37 destroyed tanks and over 5,000 deaths, and ARVN suffered
7,500 casualties (deaths and wounded). Tucker’s ARVN casualty number
perhaps was taken from Clodfelter (1995, 214), which exaggerates the
figures. The casualty figure of 7,500 ARVN is clearly unrealistic
because the total ARVN troops committed to the battle was only an
understrength division and a few battalions from other units. Even the
Communists admitted that the battle was fierce and the NVA suffered
serious setbacks (quoted in Veith 2012, 445, 447; Van 1977, 167).
The reduction of the South Vietnamese stockpiles of fuel, weapons, and
ammunition after the Paris Peace Accords is well known (Le Gro 2006,
84-86; Colvin 1996, 293; Veith and Pribbenow II 2004, 185). The
performance of the 18th Division and its commander, Brigadier General Lê
Minh Đảo, was said to be superb (Veith and Pribbenow II 2004, 163;
Hosmer 1980, 242; Sorley 1999, 378; Willbanks 2008, 267). Đảo was a
rarity and “had actually fought for and earned most of the medals he
never bothered to wear on his chest” (Dawson 1977, 234).
In the end, Xuân Lộc was not overrun by the North Vietnamese Army.
Rather, both sides decided to withdraw from Xuân Lộc for tactical
reasons (Dawson 1977, 268; Nguyễn 2001; Veith 2012, 449-452; Veith and
Pribbenow II 2004, 197, 207-208; Butler 1985, 508; Cao 2005, 132).
General Trần Văn Trà of the PAVN decided to move the attack on the outer
periphery toward Biên Hòa (Veith 2012, 451; Van 1977, 167; Todd 1990,
298; Duong 2008, 205).
The use of the M-72 and the 2.75-inch rockets to destroy the NVA tanks
is well reported (Veith 2012, 443; Veith and Pribbenow II 2004, 188).
“As the tanks pressed forward, the soldiers of the 43rd Regiment had
another surprise waiting for them: 2.75-inch rockets, normally used by
helicopter gunships, mounted on bipods and fired using simple electrical
batteries” (Veith 2012, 443). It was reported that two technicians
accidentally ignited the rocket with a voltage meter while trying to
find a short in one of the rocket pods (VNGear). It was unknown if the
ARVN learned this simple technique of firing the rocket from this
incident.
The terrifying bomb(s) dropped on Xuân Lộc:
The exact details on the bomb(s) that was/were dropped on Xuân Lộc on
the eve of the battle are not known with certainty. While it is known
that this bomb or these bombs caused significant deaths in a NVA
regiment, the identity of the bomb(s) remains unclear. These bombs have
been confusingly identified as either the Daisy Cutters (BLU-82) or the
CBU-55’s, or both.
The designation CBX-11 for the bomb in the novel is fictitious [TCĐ: In
the story “I did not die,” the bomb is fictitiously referred to as
CBX-11]. It represents a sort of bomb that had a devastating destructive
power and used Fuel Air Explosives. It could be dropped from a
high-flying aircraft, with or without an on-board guidance unit. This
fictitious bomb can be thought of as a combination of the Daisy Cutter
and the CBU-55.
The Daisy Cutters, or BLU (Bomb Live Unit)-82 (nicknamed “Big Blue 82”),
and the CBU (Cluster Bomb Unit)-55 are two totally different types of
bomb. They differ in several basic aspects (Parsch):
Dimensions and Weights: The Daisy Cutter BLU-82/B is larger and much
heavier than the CBU-55. BLU-82/B: Length (without nose probe): 3.50 m,
Diameter: 1.37 m, Weight: 6,800 kg (15,000 lb). CBU-55: The CBU-55 used a
dispenser called SUU-49A/B, which contains three BLU-73/B FAE bombs.
Dimensions for SUU-49 A/B: Length: 2.2 m, Diameter: 35.6 cm, Finspan:
71.9 cm. Dimensions for BLU-73/B: Length (without probe): 69.6 cm,
Diameter: 34.5 cm, Weight: 59 kg (130 lb). Overall weight of CBU-55: 750
lb or 490 lb (Parsch).
Explosives: The Daisy Cutter BLU-82/B uses conventional explosives, the
GSX (Gelled Slurry Explosive) slurry (mix of ammonium nitrate, aluminum
powder and polystyrene). The CBU-55 uses three live bomb units:
BLU-73A/B. The BLU-73/B was an FAE (Fuel Air Explosive) bomb containing
33 kg of ethylene oxide. It was delivered from aerial dispensers, and
was equipped with a retarding and stabilizing drogue chute. A proximity
fuse detonated the initial charge about 9 m above ground to form the
fuel aerosol cloud. When the BLU-73/B's 1.22 m long extendible nose
probe hit the ground, a second charge ignited the fuel/air mixture.
Delivery method: BLU-82/B can only be dropped by specially modified
MC-130 Hercules transport aircraft. The BLU-82/B is loaded onto a cradle
and stored in the MC-130's cargo hold. Minimum drop altitude is about
1830 m (6,000 ft.) above ground; (otherwise, the MC-130 could be
endangered by the bomb's blast). The cradle with the bomb is then pulled
out of the aircraft by an extraction parachute, after which the bomb
separates from the cradle and descends in a nose-down attitude under its
own stabilization and retarding parachute. The BLU-82/B is fitted with a
96.5 cm long "Daisy Cutter" fuse extension in the nose to trigger an
above-ground explosion. This optimizes the blast effects and reduces
undesired crater creation. The name "Daisy Cutter" somehow has been used
incorrectly to refer to the bomb itself instead of the fusing system
(Parsch). A video showing the dropping of a BLU-82 is posted on YouTube
(YouTube).
The CBU-55 uses SUU-49/B which could be carried only by helicopters or
low-speed aircraft. The most accurate delivery method was a level drop
at about 800 feet AGL (Above Ground Level), 180-230 KIAS (Knots
Indicated Airspeed), with a one second time delay on the fuse (LASF
1972, 6).
(d) Destructive power: It is unknown which bomb has more destructive
power. However, the CBU-55 is said to be the most powerful non-nuclear
weapon in the U.S. arsenal (Clodfelter 1995, 215; Tucker 1999, 185). In
addition to incinerating the enemy, it also kills the enemy by depriving
the victims of an air supply, sucking the oxygen out of the lungs, and
letting them suffocate in the vacuum (Clodfelter 1995, 215; Dawson 1977,
302; Snepp 2002, 416; Tucker 1999, 185).
(e) Date of first use in the Vietnam War: The Daisy Cutter BLU-82/B was
first used in March 1970 (Parsch). The CBU-55 was first used in May 1971
(LASF 1972, 5).
(f) Usage in the Vietnam War: The BLU-82/B was used in Vietnam to clear
large helicopter landing sites in the jungle with a single weapons drop
(Parsch). The CBU-55 was used in Vietnam for mine-clearing (detonating
the mines by the overpressure of the FAE's explosion) and as an
anti-personnel weapon (LASF 1972, 5).
It is unclear when the South Vietnamese Air Force had at their disposal
the Daisy Cutter or the CBU-55, but they used the Daisy Cutter and the
CBU-55 before April 1975. A Daisy Cutter bomb was reportedly dropped by
the South Vietnamese Air Force onto a communist supply concentration in
November 1974 (Mikesh 2005, 141) and the South Vietnamese were
reportedly provided with 17 of the Daisy Cutters and 15 of them were
used (ibid.). It appears that the South Vietnamese High Command were
aware of the existence of the Daisy Cutters before April 1975. Even if
the date of November 1974 is inaccurate, it is well known that the Daisy
Cutters were used by the Americans in March 1970 (Parsch).
Similarly, the CBU-55 was used routinely by the U.S. Black Ponies from
1971-1972 in the Mekong Delta region. According to declassified
documents from the U.S. Navy, the CBU-55 Fuel Air Explosive (FAE) bombs
had been routinely used by the Light Attack Squadron Four, VAL-4, of the
U.S. Navy in the Mekong Delta region of South Vietnam during 1971-1972
(LASF 1972, 5). The VAL-4’s pilots, who called themselves “Black
Ponies,” flew the OV-10A Bronco that dropped the CBU-55 FAE,
parachute-retarded bombs in preplanned strikes (Lavell 2009, 18, 21,
214-216). “These strikes were normally used to clear an area of booby
traps, mines, bunkers, and personnel prior to an ARVN sweep or insert.”
(LASF 1972, 5). “First used in May 1971, the CBU-55 FAE has proven to be
an extremely effective weapon in deterring the enemy” (ibid., 5). “The
CBU-55 is a cluster bomb unit, free fall, parachute stabilized, fuel-air
explosive weapon. Due to the high pressure produced in the detonation
of this weapon, the CBU-55 has been an ideal weapon against
well-entrenched, well-bunkered personnel, for troop insertion
preparations, and for clearing an area of booby traps and mines” (ibid.,
6). The minimum safe distance from friendly units when using the CBU-55
was 500 meters (ibid., 8). From May 1971, when the CBU-55 was first
used, until March 1972, the total number of CBU-55 bombs that were
dropped in the Mekong Delta region was 1,199 (755 in 1971 and 444 in
1972). The ARVN troops were well aware of the CBU-55 and “increasingly
requested it to be used to penetrate bunkers, caves, and tunnels,” and
“even created an elite club from among those who worked with the weapon,
its members distinguished by the long, red cloth ribbon and CBU arming
safety pin that they wore around their necks.” (Lavell 2009, 213).
Therefore, the CBU-55 was known by the ARVN, at least by the 21st
Infantry Division and the IV Corps, since 1971.
It also appears the South Vietnamese Air Force had experience using the
CBU-55 prior to April 1975. It was reported that a South Vietnamese
pilot, Lieutenant Nguyễn Hàn, dropped a CBU-55 on an NVA tank column at
Đông Hà Bridge on May 1, 1972 in the Easter Offensive of 1972 (NgyThanh
2009). Although it was not the first time the CBU-55 was used in
Vietnam, it was perhaps the first time it was used by the South
Vietnamese Air Force. It was also reported that the South Vietnamese Air
Force dropped 9 CBUs (confusingly noted as Daisy Cutters) in Xuân Lộc
(Trọng 2007).
There is no consensus among the sources regarding the specific details
on the dropping of the Daisy Cutters (BLU-82) and CBU-55 bombs on the
eve of the Xuân Lộc battle, but most sources agree that those bombs were
indeed dropped on the NVAs. On April 3, 1975, a request for the Daisy
Cutters (BLU-82) was made to the Americans and Eric Von Marbod, deputy
assistant secretary of defense, promised to send a few (Nguyen and
Schecter 1986, 300) or twenty-seven (Cao 2005, 127). There was no
mention of the CBU-55. However, Snepp (2002, 416) indicates that it was
the CBU-55 that Von Marbod and General Weyan promised in early April.
Sources disagree on:
(a) the number of dropped CBU-55 or BLU-82/B bombs: one (Clodfelter
1995, 215; Lam 2001, 386; Snepp 2002, 416; quoted in Veith 2012, 458;
Veith and Pribbenow II 2004, 211) or two or more than one (Tucker 1999,
185; Karnow 1997, 682; Nguyễn 2001, 788; Duong 2008, 206).
(b) the resulting casualties: from 250 (Clodfelter 1995, 215; Dawson
1977, 302; Snepp 2002, 416) to several thousand or an entire regiment
(Lam 2001, 387; Cao 2005, 133).
(c) the identity of the official ordering or requesting the bombing:
Brig. Gen. Đảo requested permission to use the BLU-82 (Lam 2009, 235;
Hứa 2011; Trọng 2007); General Toàn, the MR III commander, suggested
asking for one last B-52 raid, but the CBU-55 was used instead (Snepp
2002, 416); Maj. Gen. Homer Smith gave the official go-ahead (Dawson
1977, 301); General Toàn ordered dropping two Daisy Cutters (Nguyễn
2001, 788); General Trần Quang Khôi ordered the use of two CBUs (Trọng
2007); General Cao Văn Viên ordered the VNAF to drop two Daisy Cutters
(Duong 2008, 206). (General Nguyễn Cao Kỳ also claimed to request the
bomb but his claim can be quickly dismissed because he was not actively
involved in the command of the battle.)
(d) The type of bombs that were actually used: CBU-55 (Veith and
Pribbenow II 2004, 211; Snepp 2002, 416; Lam 2001, 386; Tucker 1999,
185; Karnow 1997, 682; Vo 2004, 17) or Daisy Cutters (BLU-82) (Lam 2009,
235; Nguyễn 2001, 788; Todd 1990, 215, 422 fn 1; Tran 2009, 199; Cao
2005, 127-128, 133; Hứa 2011; Duong 2008, 206).
(e) The date the CBU-55 or Daisy Cutter was dropped: April 16 (Lam 2009,
235; Nguyễn 2001, 788; Duong 2008, 206), April 19 (Darcourt 1976, 109;
Dương 2007, 183; Lam 2001, 386), April 21 (Dawson 1977, 301), or April
22 (Clodfelter 1995, 215; Snepp 2002, 416).
It appears that the Daisy Cutters were dropped first on April 12 (Le Gro
2006, 174), and some seven to ten days later, the CBU-55 (Clodfelter
1995, 215; Darcourt 1976; Veith and Pribbenow II 2004, 203, 211; Snepp
2002, 416). Todd (1990, 298) writes that three Daisy Cutters were
delivered on April 16, together with an American bomb expert. The time
of the dropping of the bomb, either the Daisy Cutter or the CBU-55, was
reported to be late evening (Darcourt 1976, 109; Dương 2007, 193) or
1:00AM (Cao 2005, 128). The location was reported to be on top of the
command post of the 341st NVA Division (Snepp 2002, 416; quoted from
Snepp in Veith 2012, 458). The stockpile of the CBU-55 or the Daisy
Cutters was reported to be 6 (Cao 2005, 129; Todd 1990, 215, 422 fn 1)
or approximately 1,000 CBUs (Lam 2001, 387). Although the number 1,000
appears high, as noted above, the U.S. Navy dropped more than 1,000
CBU-55 bombs in the Mekong Delta area during 1971-1972.
Dawson (1977, 301-302) describes in vivid detail the dropping of the
CBU-55. According to Dawson, a plane circled Xuân Lộc at 20,000 feet
twice. Then, the clamshell doors at the back of the plane opened on
their hydraulics. Two crewmen untied a pallet on the ball-bearing
casters on the floor and pushed it toward the back of the plane. A
drogue parachute opened as the pallet and the CBU-55 hit the air. When
the pallet and the bomb hit the ground, the wooden platform broke into
small fragments. “Parts of the bomb exploded, hurling the various
sections far and wide, as much as 120 yards from where they had hit. The
gas canisters opened, and the propane and the secret blend wafted out
over a four-acre area” (Dawson 1977, 301-302).
However, Dawson’s description of the bomb and the use of a high-flying
aircraft appear consistent with the Daisy Cutter BLU-82/B, not the
CBU-55. On the other hand, other sources’ description of the scene after
the explosion appears to be consistent with the CBU-55.
Pierre Darcourt, a French journalist who visited Xuân Lộc on April 19 on
the eve of the battle, provided an account of what happened. The bomb
was dropped in the evening. Darcourt (1976, 116) observed three bright
blasts flash successively and three violent explosions that were stifled
like grenades exploding under water. His observation of three blasts
and explosions appears to match with three BLU-73A/B bomb units inside
the CBU-55. Early the next morning, Colonel Phước, the Province Chief,
took him to the horrifying scene of death. According to Darcourt
(Darcourt 1976, 117; Dương 2007, 194-195), hundreds of dismembered North
Vietnamese troops scattered in a hole of about 100 meters on each side
and the corpses had no traces of injury, having just a little dried
blood around the mouth and nose. It appeared that they had been whirled
up high and tossed flat down. Darcourt (ibid.) also saw a tank turned
upside down and the trees blown together at the scene.
As an eyewitness, Darcourt describes the aftermath with vivid details.
His account left no doubt that a CBU-55 was indeed dropped on an NVA
regiment, most likely part of the 341st Division. According to Darcourt,
Colonel Phước obtained the exact coordinates of the location of the NVA
concentration from a report of the Special Forces Airborne Thunder
Tiger (Lôi Hổ) Recon Team 6, and radioed Biên Hoà Air Base (Darcourt
1976, 116; Dương 2007, 193). Some ten minutes later, the CBU-55 was
dropped (Darcourt 1976, 116; Dương 2007, 193). The quick response
appears to indicate that it was indeed the CBU-55 and not the Daisy
Cutter because it normally takes a much longer time to load the Daisy
Cutter inside the C-130 aircraft.
Since the Daisy Cutter and the CBU-55 had been used extensively in South
Vietnam before 1975, their destructive power had been known for some
time by both the South Vietnamese and the North Vietnamese. However, it
should be noted that before April 1975 both the Daisy Cutter and the
CBU-55 bombs were mostly used for jungle clearing or pre-strikes where
concentration of enemy troops was not high. Furthermore, most uses were
likely to target the Vietcong and not the NVAs. Accordingly, the
surprise from the NVAs on the devastating power of the bomb dropped at
Xuân Lộc on April 19 (or April 21/22) appears to be expected.
One can then surmise that the spectacular bomb(s) that was/were dropped
on Xuân Lộc in April 1975 might not be the CBU-55, or it may be the
CBU-55 with a different type of explosives, or it was used in
conjunction with the BLU-82/B, or most likely it was dropped on highly
concentrated NVA troops. The C-130 airplane altitude at 20,000 feet,
described by Dawson and Snepp, is much higher than the one that was used
during 1971-1972 (800 feet to 2800 feet), indicating that it carried
the Daisy Cutter, and not the CBU-55. The CBU was not “an easy weapon to
drop accurately because the slightest wind could turn an otherwise
accurate delivery into a fiasco after [the pilots] released the bomb”
(Lavell 2009, 213). On the other hand, on the eve of the battle of Xuân
Lộc when civilians had been evacuated and the ARVN troops had withdrawn,
leaving the area swarmed with NVA troops, it appears likely that
extreme delivery accuracy was not needed. Furthermore, according to
Darcourt’s account, it appears that the CBU-55 was dropped by a
low-altitude aircraft.
Regardless of whether the bomb was BLU-82/B or CBU-55, the reason why it
was dropped at such a late stage of the battle was unclear. Dawson
(1977, 302) suggests it was to “punish” the NVAs. Others believe it was
designed to slow down the advance of the NVAs toward Saigon.
The NVA troops were terrified by the devastating power of the bomb(s),
thinking they were nuclear weapons (Colvin 1996, 286; Cao 2005, 202) or
biological weapons (Snepp 2002, 416). Hanoi and even Communist Chinese
vehemently protested and accused the Americans and the South Vietnamese
of using illegal weapons of mass destruction (Snepp 2002, 416).
It was further believed that additional bombings were carried out by
American planes (Snepp 2002, 416). These secret missions might have been
carried out without the knowledge of the South Vietnamese High Command
and this may explain why some South Vietnamese officers, including the
Generals, insisted that only the Daisy Cutters were used and not the
CBU-55. The missions were kept secret because the U.S. didn’t want it
known publicly that American aircraft were used.
________________________________________________
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Internet sources:
It should be noted that Internet sources may not be permanent. A blog
may be taken down by the author, a news article may be deleted, or a
Website may be closed.
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